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In
the context of a general absence of human rights in Burma, there
are also clear discrepancies in the status of men and women. The
current regime enforces the traditional notion that a woman's primary
function is in the private sphere. Economic instability, as well
as growing poverty, are great threats to overall welfare. Women
bear much of the burden of providing for their families, but they
still lack equal educational opportunities.
Traditionally women have not been the primary income
earners. However, they have been responsible for making sure that
the earnings their husbands brought home were spent appropriately
and the family was well cared for. As the economic situation continues
to deteriorate, women are leaving their traditional roles to look
for paid employment. An increasing number of women therefore have
dual responsibilities as wage earners and home-makers. There is,
however, a lack of employment opportunity for women. It often requires
money to acquire a job and the amount women have to pay is generally
higher than the amount men are expected to pay.
Burma's State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
writes in its Country Report that under Burmese Law women have equal
rights with men to vote and run for elections. This is paradoxical
in that there are no elections in which to participate. Burma is
ruled by military decree and civilian participation in decision-making
processes is quite circumscribed. Currently there are no women in
the cabinet or in ambassadorial positions, and only a few women
occupy higher positions in government ministries. In 1996, the military
regime founded the Mynmmar National Committee on Women's Affairs.
Ironically the Chairperson and the Vice-Chair of this committee
are men. This does not seem to be a situation wherein policies that
give consideration to gender will be produced.
The June 19th birthday of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's (leader
of the National League for Democracy) was dedicated as Women of
Burma Day in 1997. This day declares the essential role of women
in Burma in the struggle for social justice, human rights and democracy.
Under
Chinese Law men and women are regarded on equal terms. In 1982,
article 48 of the constitution gave women equal rights with respect
to the family, politics, society, economics, and education. Despite
this assurance, women have yet to achieve full equality. In Chinese
society men are still regarded as being superior to women. Therefore,
males are still given priority for education. Females leave the
family when they marry, and many families believe that educating
a male is the better investment. The school drop-out rate is quite
high in China, especially in rural areas. Not surprisingly, 80 per
cent of drop-outs are girls, as it is costly and time consuming
for their parents to transport them to school. This ongoing discrimination
against girls results in a higher percentage of female illiteracy
(23.7 per cent) than male illiteracy (8.3 per cent).
Despite these figures, women in China have made remarkable
progress towards attaining equality. The 1995 UN Fourth World Women's
Conference in Huajro had a tremendous impact on China. Of the approximately
42 organizations dedicated to women's issue, over 95 per cent were
founded since 1995. These organizations are dedicated to fighting
illiteracy and poverty among women, as well as inequality in the
workforce. The All-Chinese Women's Federation is China's largest
non-governmental organization representing women and safe-guarding
their rights and interests.
Chinese women are becoming an important political
force. The percentage of women's representation in the Lower House
amounts to 21.8, the second highest among the ASEAN states. Among
China's 20 provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions, there
are 18 female governors or vice governors. Women have become part
and parcel of economic life in China. However, there are still wide
gaps between the female and male labor force. For instance, 49.2
per cent of women participate in the labor force compared to 76.6
per cent for men.
Despite the many social and economic contributions
made by women, they have very low status and seldom receive the
appreciation they deserve. To sum up, it may be stated that even
though women in China have come a long way, there is still much
that remains to be done before equality between men and women is
a reality.
The
Japanese constitution guarantees that there shall be no discrimination
in political, economic or social relations on grounds of race, creed,
sex, social status or family origin (Art. 14). Despite this assurance,
and the country's rather advanced economic status in the world,
the relative status of women in Japanese society is far lower than
that of men. Moreover, discriminatory laws remain on the books.
Article 733 of the Civil Code of Japan, for example, prohibits women
from remarrying within six months of divorce. Japanese men, on the
other hand, may remarry immediately after divorcing. The women's
Bureau of the Ministry of Labor has reported that ìthe equality
of men and women has not been fully achieved in practice because
the traditional belief that women should stay at home is still deeply
rootedî.
Women only form 39.5 per cent of the nation's total
workforce. Only 50 per cent of Japanese women are engaged in economy,
compared to 77.8 per cent of men. More than one-third of all women
workers are part-time employees. Women constitute 67 per cent of
the 11 million part-time workers in the country. However, women's
wages are only 62.5 per cent of men's.
Japanese women are grossly under-represented on all
political levels. In the national elections of June, 2000, women
made up only 7.3 per cent of the representatives voted into the
Lower House. However, compared to the previous parliament, women's
share improved by almost 3 per cent (women's share in previous parliament
was 4.6 per cent). Furthermore, Japan lacks an independent Ministry
for Women. Instead there is a Women's Bureau within the Ministry
of Labor and the Government's Office for Gender Equality.
There are a number of Japanese NGOs which are promoting
equality between men and women, trying to enhance gender awareness,
and striving to overcome traditional stereotypes. The Beijing-Japan
Accountability Caucus (Beijing JAC) analyses published government
documents concerning women. It also meets and lobbies with the Office
of Gender Equality for the purpose of creating a Ministry for Women
and enacting new legislation regarding violence against women. Finally,
it is urging women parliamentarians to establish a special committee
on women to oversee implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action.
Another NGO, Wings Kyoto, was founded in 1994 with the aim of supporting
women's independence and increasing their participation in government.
The
situation of Korean women has deteriorated dramatically since the
economic crisis of 1997.. The difficulties confronting Korean working
women can be divided into two broad categories: being forced out
of the labor market and worsening working conditions.
The economic crisis has brought many changes to Korean
society. One of them is that the traditional patriarchal ideology
that men are breadwinners and women are under their protection reappeared.
In particular, conservative media and opinion makers have been responsible
for promulgating this outdated patriarchal belief. As a result,
only men's unemployment issues have been highlighted. Conservatives
suggest that women give up their jobs and go back to their traditional
role, i.e. that of homemakers.
Employers used this conservative ideology to justify
ìwomen-first firingî and the exclusion of women from
the labor market. Moreover, working women are suffering from deteriorating
working conditions and a reduction of benefits. The economic crisis
provided employers with an opportunity to decrease or outright abolish
maternity protection provisions. At the moment, female participation
in the labor force amounts to only 39 per cent.
Korea Women's Associations United (KWAU) was created
to consolidate the power of women's organizations working for women's
rights and democracy. It has 21 member organizations representing
the Korean Women's movement. KWAU strives to build an equal society
free from institutional discrimination.
Many Korean NGOs and trade unions are calling for
the reduction in working time to forty hours a week in order to
create more jobs. Moreover, they demand reforms of conglomerates
and more financial assistance to the unemployed. Trade unions and
university students have planned some joint action programs in accordance
with these NGO strategies.
The comparatively weak position of women in Korean
society is reflected in the low number of women in politics. In
the Lower House women account for a mere 3.7 per cent of members.
It's clear that active public relations and more education
programs are necessary to enhance gender awareness in Korean society,
to counter traditional stereotyping and to encourage public support
for he NGO initiatives.
Laotian's
Women's Union (LWU), which is state-run and state-controlled, is
the most important advocate for women's rights in Laos. It is recognized
under the constitution as the mechanism for promoting equal rights
and for mobilizing Laotian women from all ethnic groups to work
together to develop the country.
LWU plays a crucial role in improving the quality
of life for women throughout the country, particularly in the rural
areas. In collaboration with the ministries of Health, Education,
Agriculture, Labor and Social Welfare, LWU has the responsibility
of monitoring the implementation of all programs concerning women's
development. However, Laos does not have an officially recognized
Ministry for Women. In addition to the LWU there is the Gender Resource
and Information Development Center (GRID), a non-governmental agency
set up to improve gender information in Laos.
In accordance with the Beijing Platform for Action
the government is committed to improving education and vocational
training for women (who make up 60 per cent of the total workforce)
in order to enable them to participate in all aspects of life. Moreover,
the government is especially concerned with promoting gender awareness
in society in order to put into practice equality between men and
women as stipulated in the constitution (articles 22/24). With this
in mind, the government also cooperates with UNICEF and UNDP.
The percentage of women's participation in the Lower
House may amount to 21.2 per cent, but there are hardly any women
holding higher political posts. Despite the appearance of equality
between the genders, there is still a considerable gap between the
official claim to equal rights for women and reality. For example,
the rate at which girls drop out of school in rural areas is still
very high. The illiteracy rate for Laotian women is estimated to
be 28 per cent. Most women are still not aware of the equal rights
guaranteed to them by the constitution, or are not confident enough
to assert them. Overall, there is a real lack of gender awareness
in society. It is particularly the traditional stereotypes and beliefs
about women that thwart nearly all efforts to establish equal opportunities.
This can be considered the biggest problem in implementing the Beijing
Platform for Action.
After
gaining independence in 1965, there was high unemployment in Singapore.
Therefore, in the 1960's and 70's the development strategy focused
on providing incentives for multinational corporations (MNCs) to
come to Singapore to invest in low-skilled manufacturing industries
that were labor intensive. As part of this strategy women were enticed
into the labor force in large numbers. Thus the early economic success
of Singapore was in no small measure a result of the participation
of women. Even though the country has now shifted its economic development
in the direction of less labor-intensive, higher-skilled jobs, the
need for women in the workforce is still indisputable. Women make
up 40 per cent of the total workforce and nearly all of them are
working full-time. Although the economic role of women is crucial
to the country's development and welfare, their earnings are generally
lower than men's. On average, female incomes are 59 per cent of
male incomes. Even in higher skilled jobs, women earn less than
their male colleagues.
In contemporary Singaporean society, women are well
represented at all levels of the educational system and have nearly
equal access to education. However, gaps between men and women still
exist. For every 100 males going on to graduate school, there are
only 75 females. According to NGO sources, women still face institutionalized
discrimination. For example, a gender quota in medical schools stipulates
that women may compose no more than one-third of the university
faculty.
The Singaporean Constitution guarantees citizens protection
against discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, descent
or place of birth. There is, however, no mention of gender. As a
result of this, discriminatory laws and practices based on gender
exist in Singapore. Medical benefits for children are only awarded
to working fathers and not to working mothers, to mention just one
example. These legal inequalities exist for women because the establishment
adheres to the traditional ideology which holds that the man is
the head of the household.
Despite the growing economic strength of women, society
- especially men - still clings to traditional patriarchal attitudes.
As a result, women in Singapore do not yet have equal
access to important positions in the public and private sectors.
There is a lack of women on national councils, committees and commissions.
Women still play a rather small role in politics. In the Lower House
they comprise a mere 4.3 per cent of members.
Quite a number of Singaporean NGOs are promoting equality
between men and women, trying to enhance gender awareness, and working
to counteract traditional stereotyping. The Association of Women
for Action and Research (AWARE) was founded in 1985 as an independent,
non-political, non-religious organization to promote the awareness
of women in all areas including partnerships with men, the attainment
of full equality and equal opportunities for women. Singapore Council
of Women's Organizations, an umbrella organization comprising 42
women's agencies, monitors employment policies and economic empowerment
of women, education, family policies, women's health, and family
violence.
Vietnam
has a relatively strong women's liberation movement. Vietnam Women's
Union (VWU) was founded on October 20, 1930. It is a mass organization
representing all strata of women throughout the country. From the
outset the union, which claims about 40 per cent of Vietnamese women
as members, has encouraged women and supported them in their participation
in the causes of national defense, construction and development.
The National Committee for the Advancement of Women (NCFAW) was
established in 1993. Both of these organizations work with government
agencies and other mass organizations to supervise the enforcement
of laws and implementation of policies relating to women. The NCFAW
also aims to assist Vietnamese working women, who constitute about
47 per cent of the workforce in the state sector and 52 per cent
in the private sector.
VWU is collaborating with the government, the state
bank, and various international agencies in order to increase credit
opportunities for poor women by offering revolving loan programs
at very low interest rates. VWU also monitors loan services and
gives advice and information to women on income generation and business-related
problem solving. In 1993, the union loaned US$ 32 million to female
entrepreneurs, most of them poor.
Providing women equal access to education is considered
a central objective of the Ministry of Education and Training. It
has implemented the project 'integrating gender into educational
institutions' which aims to enhance gender awareness in educational
managers, teachers and students. However, the educational disparity
between boys and girls is still striking. While the number of boys
and girls attending elementary schools is quite comparable, only
60 per cent of girls attend secondary school (compared to 70 per
cent of boys), and only 19 per cent of girls attend university (compared
to 27 per cent of the boys). In the area of continuing education
for employees the situation is quite similar: only 25 per cent of
female employees participate in continuing education programs. This
is not only explained by the fact that the courses take place in
the evening and not during regular working hours. It is also attributable
to the fact that most women have to pay for continuing education
by themselves while the company finances most programs for men.
Acting upon VWU's recommendations, the government has instructed
the ministry to work with the union and other concerned agencies
to conduct more research on this issue.
The first Vietnamese women's congress was held in
1950. Since then the National Women's Congress has convened once
every five years. Many Vietnamese ministries, as well as cities
and provinces, have organized conferences, workshops and training
programs which have aimed to increase awareness of gender issues.
In the less than three years since the signing of the 'National
Plan of Action for the advancement of Woman in Vietnam by the year
2000', an impressive resume can already be drawn.
Vietnam has become the leading ASEAN country concerning
the percentage of women's participation in the Lower House (26 per
cent). Furthermore, Vietnam has a female Vice President in Nguyen
Thi Binh.
However, the percentages can be misleading. According
to the VWU, the economic reforms, which have opened the Vietnamese
market, have left many women worse off then they were under the
old system. Traditional stereotyping of women's subservience still
exists. Despite all the progress that has been made and the fact
that women are officially guaranteed equal rights, the greater part
of Vietnamese society still expects women to display the traditional
ideals of diligence, beauty, grace and virtue, while Vietnamese
men continue to wield power and accumulate wealth. This is demonstrated
by the fact that women perform about 60 per cent of the agricultural
workload while earning only 72 per cent of the average male wage.
Therefore it can be concluded that even though Vietnamese
women have achieved a great deal, there is still a long way to go
in the struggle for greater equality. |