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The last twenty years can be considered an era
of democratic development in Asia. Since the mid-80’s nine
countries embraced transition to democracy, at last Indonesia in
1999. However, the process of consolidation towards liberal democracy
remains weak throughout most of the young Asian democracies and
three Asian countries faced the breakdown of democracy during the
same period of time: In 1997 a military putsch ended the transition
process in Cambodia. Even though parliamentary elections were held
in 2003 the progress towards a democratic form of government is
deadlocked. The first Cambodian Senate elections, which were scheduled
for 2004, have recently been canceled, because of rising political
violence and political instability after the murder of union leader
Chea Vichea.
In 2004/05 five of the ten ASEAN member-countries are supposed
to hold parliamentary elections: The Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia,
Cambodia, and Thailand. The Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand
can be considered democratic countries, even though they remain
weakly institutionalized. These “defect” or illiberal
democracies are able to hold sufficiently free and fair or meaningful
elections, while they are confronted with distinct problems in
the dimensions of political rights, e.g. factual exclusion of segments
of the population or unfair competition, in the dimension of effective
government control, e.g. lack of civil control over the military
or local warlords, or the dimension of civil rights and the rule
of law. Furthermore the weak institutionalization of formal procedures
and a widespread disregard for these ‘rules of the game’ often
favors strong executives and a decline of legislative competencies.
However, in Malaysia and Cambodia the extend of those defects is
that far reaching, that they cannot be considered democratic anymore
even though they hold elections regularly.
The goal of the South-East-Asian Election Year 2004/05 Project
is to analyze the elections in the five ASEAN member states mentioned
above in a comparative framework, with the underlying perspective
of if and how the parliamentary elections contribute to the solutions
of these problems elemental to democratic development in the region.
The leading questions of the project are:
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Which are the fundamental paradoxes of democratic
governance in 21st century Southeast Asia?
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How did elections in 2004/05 contribute to
the solving of specific problems and paradoxes of democratic
governance?
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Which specific problems result from this
for good governance and the quality of democracy in Southeast
Asian countries?
For this purpose the project at first analyzes
the prelude, conduct and results of the elections in the different
countries.
Then, the first question will be addressed in
terms of three democratic tensions that have to be solved by all
democracies: The tensions of conflict vs. compromise, representativeness
vs. governability and integration vs. effectiveness. At the core
of these problems rests the institutional design of the political
system, especially the electoral system, and the way political actors
cope with these “rules of the game” of their countries.
The second question will be addressed in terms
of a contextual analysis in the areas of modernization and economic
development, civil society and culture, gender relations, state
and nation, and the international environment.
In a last step conclusions will be drawn and Policy
Recommendations will be given for the further strengthening of democratic
practice in the analyzed countries.
The final goal of the project is to compare the
country studies to find out if there are common and shared problems
throughout the analyzed countries and which problems have to be
addressed specifically. Therefore the findings of the project should
be useful for policy makers in the specific countries as much as
for the purpose of establishing regional cooperation in certain
areas of policy guidance. |